In This Edition:
· Honest Graft
· What Goes Around
· OSHA Retreats?
· Union QPQ?
· Friends in High Places
· Housing Costs
· EEOC RIP?
· Wage & Hour Space
· Beskatta Inte Rikedom Som Vi Gjorde!
· Mileage Rate Increase
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I Seen My Opportunities and I Took 'Em
Reports allege that a longtime White House teleprompter aide used advance knowledge of presidential speeches to place bets on Kalshi prediction markets, reportedly turning a tidy profit before the activity was detected. The employee has since been placed on unpaid administrative leave while the matter is investigated.
Frankly, I would have expected a commendation.
After all, the alleged strategy sounds remarkably similar to the philosophy of George Washington Plunkitt, the legendary New York political boss who proudly distinguished "honest graft" from dishonest graft. As Plunkitt famously put it, "I seen my opportunities and I took 'em." He argued there was nothing wrong with profiting from information available through one's position—so long as you didn't steal it.
Of course, modern ethics rules, securities laws, and prediction markets tend to see things differently. Markets only work when participants compete on equal footing. If someone has access to information the rest of the market doesn't have, confidence in the system quickly evaporates.
Plunkitt might recognize the opportunity. Today's regulators are more likely to recognize the investigation.
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Congressman Jimmy Gomez Faces Heat—And Contractors Haven't Forgotten
Los Angeles Congressman Jimmy Gomez suddenly finds himself on the defensive. According to Politico, Gomez is facing a well-funded primary challenge from the left, criticism over his positions on Israel, and reports that the House Ethics Committee is investigating allegations of sexual misconduct that he denies. While Gomez acknowledges "personal mistakes outside my marriage," he insists he violated neither House rules nor the law.
Those controversies will be sorted out by voters and the Ethics Committee.
What California contractors shouldn't forget is Gomez's own legislative record. Before heading to Congress, Assemblymember Gomez authored AB 1431 (2015), the bill that transformed Job Order Contracting by requiring school districts and community college districts using JOC to operate under Project Labor Agreements. That PLA mandate is exactly the language Assemblymember Mike Fong now seeks to preserve and extend through AB 1809.
I met with Gomez while AB 1431 was moving through the Legislature to explain how the PLA mandate would shut many merit shop contractors out of JOC work. His response was memorable, not because he engaged on the merits, but because he dismissed them. Smiling, he said he expected to lose the occasional Republican vote and advised me to "save my breath."
Eleven years later, we're still fighting the same battle. AB 1809 would continue the very mandate Gomez put into law in 2015, denying school districts the freedom to decide for themselves whether a PLA makes sense. Contractors may not have changed Congressman Gomez's mind then, but they shouldn't forget who wrote the mandate in the first place.
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As Federal OSHA Pulls Back, States Diverge on Workplace Safety Rules
- With federal OSHA expected to remain largely inactive on new rulemaking, states are splitting into different directions on workplace safety — some tightening rules on heat, ergonomics, and workplace violence, while others move to roll back protections that exceeded federal minimums, creating a compliance patchwork for multi-state employers.
- Attorney Samuel H. Pond notes that “state control” doesn’t necessarily mean stricter enforcement — California, Oregon, and Washington run some of the most active state programs, while Kentucky’s HB 398, passed in March 2025, bars its state plan from enforcing any safety standard stricter than OSHA’s federal floor.
- Pond argues that when injury prevention weakens at the regulatory level, the workers’ compensation system absorbs the fallout through more claims, higher premiums, and increased litigation, and advises facilities managers to build safety programs to the strictest standard they operate under rather than the federal minimum, since OSHA violations can still fuel negligence claims and raise insurance costs even though federal fines themselves remain relatively modest.
READ MORE
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CV Mayor Accuses Union of Quid-Pro-Quo Offer
Chula Vista Mayor John McCann recently accused a prominent San Diego County labor union of trying to strong-arm him into supporting a controversial ballot measure by promising not to fund his opponent in this year’s mayoral race in exchange for his support.
McCann said a representative of Local 89 of the Laborers International Union of North America made the offer during a recent meeting to discuss a charter reform measure the union has been seeking to place before Chula Vista voters in November.
The measure, which would give city councilmembers a large pay raise and make other significant changes to city government, has faced strong opposition from residents.
“I was informed if I supported placing the ballot measure on the ballot, they would not fund my opponent in the election,” McCann said from the dais during debate over the measure at Tuesday’s Chula Vista City Council meeting.
“He was trying to make a deal with me,” McCann said of Kelvin Barrios, LIUNA’s director of government affairs, who met with the mayor last month to discuss the ballot measure. “I feel it was unethical,” McCann said. “I don’t believe in a quid pro quo.”
Barrios emphatically denied McCann’s accusation and said, in fact, it was McCann who “wanted assurance we wouldn’t spend money against him in the general election. I said I can’t make those assurances,” Barrios said. “In no way was I trying to tie consideration of [the ballot measure] to political spending… This is the mayor making a false accusation.
After hearing from more than 45 public speakers, almost all of them opposed to the ballot measure, the City Council voted 4-1 to pull the measure from the November ballot and refer it to the city’s Charter Review Commission for further consideration and public input. [VOSD]
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AZ Representative Defends Tate Bros
Accused sex traffickers Andrew and Tristan Tate were arrested by U.S. marshals in Miami last weekend, as they were set to host a bare-knuckle boxing match. First-term Rep. Abe Hamadeh (R-Ariz.) (Maricopa County) has become one of the Tate Brothers’ most prominent defenders in the aftermath of the extradition, claiming in a tweet that they’re victims of politicized “lawfare” in both the U.K. and Romania. He doesn’t specify why he thinks the brothers would be targets of lawfare—what political reasons these countries would have for taking down the Tates. Nevertheless, Hamadeh said the Trump administration should refuse to extradite the brothers, who are dual American and British citizens.
“There should be no extradition of American citizens when the charges are unclear and political,” he continued. “The US government should either charge them with a crime or protect them from reckless court proceedings in the UK and Romania,” Hamadeh wrote.
Hamadeh is an attorney, U.S. Army intelligence officer, and former prosecutor currently serving as the U.S representative for Arizona's 8th congressional district since 2025. A member of the Republican Party, he is the first Arab American elected to Congress from Arizona.
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By the Numbers
From the Legislative Analyst’s Office’s latest housing affordability tracker:
· $775,000: average cost of a mid-tier home in California — twice as much as the U.S. as a whole
· 2020-2022: the period of rapid growth of home prices. During this time, bottom-tier home prices increased by 15% every year, compared to 6% per year on average for the two decades prior.
· 44%: the percentage of California households that have incomes high enough to qualify for a mortgage now, down from 57% in 2019.
· 75%: the percentage of California homeowners that have mortgage interest rates below 5%, which makes selling their home and buying a new one with a mortgage at current rates significantly more expensive.
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EEOC Proposes to Rescind All EEO Reporting and Recordkeeping Requirements
On July 21, 2026, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) voted to approve a proposed rule which would rescind a series of agency demographic reporting requirements, most notably the EEO-1 Form, which private employers of 100 or more employees have been required to file for decades. The agency also proposed to repeal similar requirements for unions (the EEO-3 report), state and local governments (EEO-4), public-school systems (EEO-5), and institutions of higher education (EEO-6) (collectively, the “EEO Reports”). Finally, EEOC has proposed rescinding the related recordkeeping and record preservation requirements supporting these reports. The proposal is expected to be published in the Federal Register shortly, starting a 30-day public comment period. After that, EEOC will review and consider the comments submitted and adopt a final rule.
Read More
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What’s Happening in the Wage & Hour Space That Should Command Your Attention?
A lot is happening in the wage and hour space. In the Pacific Northwest, there’s been intense activity from California plaintiffs’ firms filing wage and-hour class actions. In fact, Washington State is viewed as the next high-exposure target for meal and rest break claims. But that’s not limited to Washington State. Beyond Washington, approximately 20 states have adopted meal or rest break requirements, and the patchwork of inconsistent state laws keeps getting more complex - with Minnesota creating new requirements and penalties just this year. So, employers now need more than just a California supplement to their national wage and hour compliance strategy. Today, they need intentional, state-by-state review and analysis. And that’s not all.
Read More
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Sweden’s Warning to California: Don’t Tax Wealth Like We Did
California has often looked to Scandinavia — in particular, Sweden — as a model for combining prosperity with ambitious social support. As a Swede who has spent much of my career studying taxation, entrepreneurship, and business ownership, I understand why. Sweden has a large welfare state, high taxes, and strong public institutions. But Sweden also has a warning for California: Not every tax that sounds fair ends up strengthening society. The wealth tax is the clearest example.
California voters will be asked in November to approve a one-off 5% tax on residents with net worth of more than $1 billion. The purpose is understandable: fund healthcare, education, and other public priorities. The appeal is equally obvious. Why not ask the very richest residents to contribute more?
Story
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California Employers Take Note of the Recent IRS Mileage Rate Increase
California Labor Code section 2802 requires employers to reimburse employees for necessary expenses incurred in performing their job duties, which may include an employee’s use of their personal vehicle for work purposes, such as for work-related travel or driving between work sites.
When determining how to reimburse an employee for use of their personal vehicle, employers may select between different methods for reimbursement, including actual expense, mileage reimbursement, or a stipend.
The California Labor Commissioner has opined that the use of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) mileage rate will generally satisfy an employer’s obligation to reimburse employees for the expenses incurred in the use of an employee’s car for work purposes, in the absence of evidence to the contrary.
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In This Edition:
· Sacramento Transportation Tax Proposed
· PAGA Reform
· San Diego Hotel Tax Sham
· Classifications for Public Works Projects
· California Worker Walkaround Rule
· Proposition Numbers Assigned to California November Ballot Measures
· 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act
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Transportation Tax Today — PLA Tomorrow?
Sacramento voters are likely to decide this November whether to approve the Sacramento Safe Streets and Affordable Transit Measure of 2026, a citizen-sponsored initiative that would impose a permanent one-half-cent local sales tax dedicated to transportation improvements. Because it is a citizen initiative, the measure requires only a simple majority to pass. Supporters estimate it would generate approximately $75 million annually for street maintenance, transit operations, and related infrastructure.
The coalition behind the measure is notable. It includes city leaders, transportation advocates, neighborhood organizations, and construction interests such as the Sacramento-Sierra Building & Construction Trades Council, Teichert Construction, and Siemens Mobility. Campaign finance disclosures also identify Sacramento Area Electrical Workers Labor Management and Siemens Industry Inc. as the campaign's two largest financial supporters.
While the measure itself does not mandate project labor agreements (PLAs), WECA members should recognize the political reality that the city’s broad PLA mandate will apply. The organizations investing the most in the campaign are also the most likely to advocate that the resulting transportation projects be carried out under union-only PLAs. California has repeatedly seen major public funding measures followed by efforts to channel the resulting construction work through PLA requirements.
For merit shop contractors, the concern extends beyond the tax itself. A permanent revenue stream creates a permanent pipeline of public works projects—and organized labor will undoubtedly seek to ensure those projects are built under agreements that limit open competition. Sacramento voters should understand that approving a permanent tax increase may also fuel continuing battles over who is allowed to compete for the work.
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PAGA Reform? The Lawyers Didn't Notice.
When Governor Newsom and legislative leaders announced the 2024 "PAGA reform" package, Californians were promised fewer abusive lawsuits, more opportunities for employers to correct mistakes, and a better balance between protecting workers and discouraging litigation.
A recent $2.25 million settlement involving Sacramento's Mikuni restaurant chain suggests those promises have yet to become reality.
According to published reports, approximately 3,000 employees will share about $1.1 million in payments—an average of roughly $394 per employee. The named plaintiff will receive a $10,000 enhancement payment. The plaintiffs' law firm, Blackstone Law, meanwhile, will receive more than $742,000 in attorney fees, with additional settlement funds allocated to penalties, administration costs, and payments to the state. The largest check does not go to the average worker—it goes to the litigation process itself. (The case was initially filed in 2023, before the 2024 "reforms”)
To be clear, employers should comply with California's labor laws, and employees deserve to be paid every dollar they earn. But the continuing question is whether PAGA has become a system designed primarily to compensate workers—or to generate lawsuits.
The 2024 reforms were supposed to encourage employers to correct violations early, reduce penalties for good-faith compliance, expand opportunities to cure alleged violations, and discourage meritless claims. Yet PAGA filings and settlement dollars have continued to climb, prompting the Labor & Workforce Development Agency to propose yet another round of regulations in 2026 aimed at high-volume and vexatious filers.
If "comprehensive reform" is followed almost immediately by proposals for additional reforms, perhaps the Legislature didn't solve the real problem.
For California's contractors and other employers, the lesson is obvious. PAGA remains a litigation industry measured in billions of dollars annually. Until the financial incentives favor quickly correcting workplace mistakes rather than pursuing lengthy lawsuits, employers will continue to spend enormous sums enriching the legal process, while the average "aggrieved employee" receives only a modest recovery.
That isn't meaningful reform. It's the same business model with a fresh coat of paint.
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Just In: Politicians Lie
Stop the presses.
In 2020, San Diego voters approved Measure C (a permanent hotel tax increase) after being promised it would generate new funding for homelessness services, road repairs, and a convention center expansion. The sales pitch was straightforward: this wasn't about replacing existing spending—it was about doing more.
Six years later, reality has arrived.
A recent Voice of San Diego investigation found that Measure C revenue is largely being used to plug holes in the city's existing budget. Instead of funding new homelessness programs, the tax is helping pay for services the city was already providing. The money didn't supplement the budget. It supplanted it.
City officials insist they had little choice. Budgets tightened. Deficits emerged. Priorities changed.
Exactly.
That's why taxpayers should be skeptical whenever politicians promise that a tax increase is "just for" one worthy purpose. Money is fungible. Once government collects another dollar, yesterday's promises become today's budget strategy.
The same script plays out in Sacramento every year. Bills are sold as narrowly targeted. Tax increases are advertised as temporary. Labor mandates are described as having little or no cost. Opponents are dismissed as alarmists.
Then the ink dries.
The tax becomes permanent. The mandate expands. The costs grow. And the original promise quietly disappears into the next budget cycle.
WECA members know that the real question isn't what politicians promise before Election Day. It's what the law actually allows them to do after Election Day.
History suggests those are often two very different things.
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Law Requires Awarding Agencies to Follow CSLB Regulations When Determining Classifications for Public Works Projects
The Contractors State License Board (CSLB) is providing additional guidance on following licensing regulations for public works projects because of Senate Bill 1455 (2024).
SB 1455 amended California Business and Professions Code (BPC) §7059 to clarify that awarding authorities must ensure that contractors bidding on public works projects hold the license classification appropriate for the work being performed, in accordance with CSLB regulations. The italicized information below in BPC 7059 (b)(1) shows what was changed in the law.
- In public works contracts, as defined in Section 1101 of the Public Contract Code, the awarding authority shall determine the license classification necessary to bid and perform the project, in accordance with the classifications prescribed by this article and as set forth in Division 8 of Title 16 of the California Code of Regulations.
SB 1455 clarifies that awarding authorities must determine the required license classification using CSLB’s classification descriptions in Division 8 of Title 16 of the California Code of Regulations. Previously, the law required proper licensure but did not expressly connect to CSLB’s classification descriptions.
The classification descriptions noted in Division 8 of Title 16 of the California Code of Regulations are included in CSLB’s Description of Classifications publication, which awarding agencies should review in determining the most appropriate classification or classifications.
In addition, CSLB’s Fast Facts: What Jobs "B" General Building Can/Cannot Perform provides further clarification to help awarding authorities determine whether a “B” is appropriate for a project. While it is CSLB’s largest classification, the “B” is not always suitable depending on the project. “B” General Building may not be appropriate if the work does not involve the construction of a structure involving framing or carpentry, does not require multiple building trades, and is not incidental to a project.
Awarding authorities must review the project scope and select the appropriate classification that best aligns with the work described using CSLB’s Description of Classifications.
Contractors are responsible for ensuring they hold the appropriate license classification at the time of bid and use properly licensed subcontractors for work outside their classification. Failure to do so may affect bid eligibility and could result in enforcement action under existing contractor license laws.
For more information or questions regarding classification determinations, contact CSLB’s Classification Deputy at Classifications@cslb.ca.gov.
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Cal/OSHA Takes Next Step Toward Worker Walkaround Rule
On July 1, 2026, Cal/OSHA took another step toward implementing a California variation of federal OSHA’s “worker walkaround rule” by posting proposed modifications to the proposed text and providing a narrow 15-day period for public comment, through July 16, 2026. This action follows a previous comment period on the initial proposal, and a public hearing conducted on April 1, 2026.
The new regulation, Director’s Regulations §331.8, would implement a federal regulation expanding who can be considered a representative for purposes of accompanying Cal/OSHA inspectors on site visits. It would allow employees in nonunion workplaces to designate a representative to “assist” in inspections.
Critics say the change could allow third parties, such as plaintiff attorneys or a union representative in a nonunion shop, if chosen by the employee, to insert themselves into the inspection process. The federal regulation on which the California version is based is under challenge in federal court.
The proposed Cal/OSHA modifications are in sections (a) and (b):
(a): “A representative of the employer and a representative authorized by employees shall be given an opportunity to accompany the Chief or their representative during the inspection of any workplace for the purpose of aiding such inspection.”
(b): “When the representative(s) authorized by employees is not an employee of the employer nor the collective bargaining representative, they may accompany the Chief or their representative during the inspection if, in the judgment of the Chief or their representative, good cause has been shown why their participation accompaniment is reasonably necessary to the conduct of an effective and thorough physical inspection of the workplace….”
DOSH says the changes are based on stakeholder comments.
Read More
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Proposition Numbers Assigned to November Ballot Measures
The ballot designations have been set for the 14 statewide measures that will appear on the November 3 ballot, setting the stage for an election that could result in the most sweeping changes in tax policy in many years.
Voters will face a staggering $44 billion in bonds, an $11.25 billion affordable housing measure championed by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, a $25 billion bond organized by former legislative leader Bob Hertzberg to fund home loans for the middle-class, and an $8.4 billion bond to finance immunology research.
For decades, it was rare to see even one bond on the ballot that reached into the double digits, and since voters shot down a $15 billion school bond in 2020, campaigns have viewed higher numbers as a potential liability.
Yet this year, voters will not only see big numbers but will find them attached to a common issue. Two of the bonds, the affordable housing measure, Prop. 1, and middle-class loans, Prop. 37, as well as a CEQA reform measure, all target California’s housing shortage.
“It was the first thing that caught my attention when I looked at the ballot,” said Mark Baldassare, the survey director of the Public Policy Institute of California. “I struggle to think of another example in which there are two double-digit billion bonds on the same topic.”
It will, in fact, be a first. But in the early stages of the campaign, proponents of housing bonds argue the measures will not cannibalize each other but rather draft off one another.
During a news conference at an affordable housing project in downtown Oakland this morning, Gov. Gavin Newsom told reporters that voters "absolutely should support” Wicks' bond, but he declined to comment on the competing housing measures.
Evan Westrup, a spokesperson for the Yes on 37 campaign, said Hertzberg and company view the measures as "complementary" and expect voters to appreciate the need for supporting both. Hertzberg did not pull together his initiative out of the blue and was in “close contact throughout” with Wicks and her team, Westrup said. Wicks told ABC10 that she viewed the measures as parallel, noting that Hertzberg’s targets middle-class housing, whereas her bond targets lower-income Californians.
Supporters of CEQA reform also expressed little concern that so many housing initiatives would affect their campaign.
“On the list of things I’m preparing for, in terms of potential pitfalls, the other measures aren’t really on there,” said Amelia Matier, a spokesperson for the campaign.
But according to Baldassare, the realities of ballot-measure politics could pose challenges for all related measures. Ballot measures never exist in isolation, and voters are very used to dueling propositions, in which one cancels out or targets another. Even on the 2026 ballot, there will be a measure proposing to tax billionaires and two measures that would preempt such an effort.
Although Hertzberg’s bond is a revenue bond, meaning it would be paid for by homebuyers' mortgage payments, and Wicks’ bond is a general obligation bond backed by taxpayers, it’s unclear if voters will make that distinction.
As the campaigns behind both measures get into gear, they will need to account for a housing-heavy ballot and a potentially stingy electorate. Recent polling showed support for the middle-class housing bond at 53 percent, while a February PPIC poll placed support for an affordable housing bond at 49 percent.
The Measures
Proposition 1: Housing Bond. SB 417, the Veterans and Affordable Housing Bond Act of 2026, placed on the ballot by the Legislature.
Proposition 2: Changes to Spending Limit. ACA 20, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, would change the state appropriations limit (the Gann Limit) by, among other things, doubling the amount that can be held in the state’s “rainy day fund” – which has the effect of reducing the likelihood of triggering the provision that requires excess revenue to be returned to taxpayers.
Proposition 3: Income Tax on High Earners. A permanent extension of the “temporary” personal income tax surcharges on high earners (Initiative 25-0016, filed by the California Teachers Association). CalTax opposes the measure and launched a “No on Prop. 3” campaign last week. Although Proposition 3 was qualified via an initiative and normally would have been placed farther down on the ballot, the Legislature and governor approved a last-minute bill to give it special treatment and place it higher on the ballot, in hopes that doing so would increase its odds of passage.
Proposition 4: Public Financing of Campaigns. SB 42, placed on the ballot by the Legislature to authorize local governments to distribute tax dollars for use in political campaigns. CalTax opposes Proposition 4.
Proposition 5: Recall Process. SCA 1, placed on the ballot by the Legislature to change the recall process (among other things, it provides that the lieutenant governor becomes governor if the sitting governor is recalled by voters).
Proposition 37: Loan Program for Middle-Income Buyers of New Homes. Initiative 25-0013A1, a $25 billion bond to fund a down-payment program for homebuyers, to be repaid via mortgage payments from those homebuyers, filed by former state lawmaker Robert Hertzberg.
Proposition 38: Bond for Immunology Research. Initiative 25-0026A1, authorizing an $8.4 billion bond to fund technologies that use the body’s immune system to treat disease.
Proposition 39: Voter Identification. Initiative 25-0007A1, by Assembly Member Carl DeMaio and others, establishes a process requiring voters to present government-issued identification at the polls.
Proposition 40: Wealth Tax. Initiative 25-0024A1, filed by the Service Employees International Union – United Healthcare Workers West, to impose a 5 percent tax on net worth above $1 billion, retroactive to January 1. CalTax opposes Proposition 40.
Proposition 41: Audit Requirements. Initiative 25-0040A1, requiring audits of programs funded by new state special taxes and prohibiting new state taxes that are excluded from the state’s spending limit, including the wealth tax that will appear on the same ballot. CalTax supports Proposition 41.
Proposition 42: Ban on Retroactive Taxes and Wealth Taxes. Initiative 25-0041A1, prohibiting any new state tax that either taxes the ownership or control of personal property (including retirement accounts, financial assets, investment accounts, business interests, and intellectual property), or applies retroactively based on the taxpayer’s conduct, activities, or status that occurred before the new tax’s effective date, with limited exceptions. CalTax supports Proposition 42.
Proposition 43: Local Taxpayer Protection Act. Closes the Upland loophole by approving the Local Taxpayer Protection Act that was placed on the ballot by the Legislature (ACA 22) as part of an agreement with Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association (HJTA) President Jon Coupal. The measure amends the California Constitution to modify California's local tax approval processes, requiring two-thirds voter approval for all local special taxes – closing the loophole created by the California Supreme Court’s 2017 ruling in California Cannabis Coalition v. City of Upland, which opened the door for local governments to claim that constitutional vote requirements don’t apply to measures placed on the ballot via the initiative process, even when elected officials are heavily involved. CalTax supports Proposition 43.
Proposition 44: Health Clinic Spending. Initiative 25-0008A1, requiring community health clinics to spend at least 90 percent of their revenue on program services.
Proposition 45: Environmental Review Reform. Initiative 25-0023A1, the California Chamber of Commerce’s Building an Affordable California Act, which would expedite the environmental review process of housing, transportation, water, health, and clean-energy projects. CalTax supports Proposition 45.
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Federal Housing Bill Shows a Different Path
Congress recently approved the bipartisan 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act, one of the most significant federal housing packages in years. The legislation aims to increase housing production by streamlining regulations, modernizing federal housing programs, expanding financing options, and reducing barriers that make building new homes harder and more expensive.
Notably, Congress resisted the temptation to load the bill with the growing list of labor mandates that have become commonplace in California housing legislation. While federally funded construction under the Act is subject to prevailing wage protections, the bill does not require Project Labor Agreements, mandate union labor, or impose California's "skilled and trained workforce" requirements as conditions for housing development.
Whether one supports every provision of the legislation or not, the contrast with California is striking. Rather than using housing policy as a vehicle for expanding labor mandates, Congress largely focused on a single objective: building more housing. California policymakers should take note. If the goal is to increase housing production and improve affordability, reducing unnecessary barriers may prove more effective than continually adding new conditions on who is allowed to build.
Read more here.